Tuesday, March 16, 2010

A Quick Review: CED – What did you really expect?

Yesterday, the special interest group "Center for an Educated Georgia" released a report titled "Return on Investment? Public Education in Georgia".  For a quick hit on why we should be immediately skeptical, take a look at Jmac's post yesterday.  I wanted a little time to read to it, and to digest the report and the conclusions it draws.  This is by no means an exhaustive critique, but I did want to offer some cursory views of the work.

It is difficult to get a man to understand something when his salary depends upon his not understanding it

-- Upton Sinclair

 First, I think it's fair to call out the sponsor’s motivation.  CEG is a special interest group that is pushing for a comprehensive private school voucher program in Georgia.  Any comprehensive program will not be funded by incremental or new spending in the state budget.  Rather, a proto-typical program envisioned by groups like CEG generally use existing education dollars, funneled in the form of a direct subsidy or "voucher", for families who wish to enroll students in a private school.

 

An academic report that argues increased per-pupil spending doesn't help attain higher rates of graduation - as this report does - would necessarily help them in future conversations about the impact of reducing the budget of public education.  Put simply, if increases in spending don't improve attainment, why increase spending?  This is the unwritten assumption of the report, and dovetails nicely with diverting education spending to a voucher program.

While Scafidi is obviously a very intelligent and seasoned expert on the issue, the fact that he is the director of CED, and he swims in the privatization ecosystem (e.g. Fellow with the Friedman Foundation for Educational Choice), it's not surprising that his body of work would have a lean that creates opportunity for his cause.  That makes it easier to understand that the conclusions and the statistical data he has used, or perhaps more importantly, that Scafidi hasn't used, tells a story that looks convincing but is not as compelling as he would have you understand.

So, I don't really have the time to do a point by point review, but I do want to look at 2 of the major areas Scafidi addresses in the report.

Per Pupil Spending

I'm not going to try and challenge the factual assertion that we've increased per-pupil spending over the last couple of decades.  As Scafidi acknowledges in the report, the reforms undertaken by Governor Joe Frank Harris to standardize per-pupil spending (see: QBE), and a notable higher trajectory in things that drive cost (see: higher teacher pay) are hardly in dispute.  Those goals have been the stated policy direction of Georgia for years now.

The problem with using inflation adjusted per-pupil charts - as the sole baseline for comparative analysis - is that it leaves other dynamics that drive our spending decisions left unmentioned.  It's a misleading metric for analysis by itself.  For example, technology cost has grown and is now a major cost component of education.  The adoption of increased interactive learning tools like pc's in the classroom or interactive whiteboards have ushered in a higher embedded per-pupil cost.  It would certainly be cheaper to abandon these tools in the classroom, but even Scafidi is not arguing that those investments be rolled back.  Just because an abacus and a chalkboard are cheaper doesn't mean we should bring them back.

So clearly, we are spending more per-pupil, but Scafidi spends little time connecting the dots as to what increase in spending is creating a declining attainment rate.  He just throws out rising cost and declining graduation without informing or drawing any causality or linkage between the measurements.  So what good is that, really, in define the problem associated with declining graduation rates?

So in the alternative, perhaps it’s useful to take a look at least one other way of trending our total education spending.  Scafidi on a number of occasions refers to the 2007 Digest of Education Statistics, and I find it interesting that he left this exhibit out of his analysis.


 

Over the last several decades, our investment in public education has changed little relative to our national income (if you accept that gross domestic product is a general proxy for the measure).  As our economy has grown so has our investment in public education.  There is nothing alarming or out of proportion when we view our increased investment in public education against our increasing national means.  To the contrary, and on an aggregated national basis, one could look at the near stagnant rate of public investment against GDP and create an opposite question.  If educational attainment is such a high national priority, why have we not increased our investment as a percentage of the national economic output?  After all, GDP measures will be impacted by a well educated workforce (of lack there of).  How is this not a useful indicator of our spending patterns?

In a nutshell, sure, we have increased spending.  So what?  That fact alone is not surprising. Other comparative views from the same materials cited by Scafidi shows the increase as non-material when applied in a different context.

Educational Attainment

In his report, Scafidi makes a pretty outrageous claim that:

Thus, today’s young adults are the first American generation to have a lower educational attainment than their parents.

This is most definitely not as conclusive – or perhaps even notionally accurate – if data sourced by his own report is shown in a full light.  Again from the 2007 Digest of Education Statistics.


That represents persons over the age of 25 - charted by highest level of attainment.  It shows rising attainment over precisely the time period of increased spending.  That is funny, but probably not causal (I’m not going to draw conclusions not supported by the evidence like this author did).  But if anything, I think it shows what kind of hyperbole, unsupported by the evidence, Scafidi is willing to use to push his position.  Undoubtedly we have a drop-out rate much higher than is wanted, but the data suggests that over time our rates of attainment among adults are higher now than they have ever been.

Which gets back to my original point; this report uses a of a couple pieces of information and has then drawn conclusions without taking into account a myriad of other inputs that might lend itself to a different result.  Scafidi has used pieces of data that fit his presumptions, and he has ignored others that don’t help him.  Scafidi also uses other state averages to compare against Georgia specific rates, but as Jmac clearly pointed out, has ignored where other states have excelled with a much higher per pupil spending rate.

Lastly, in a “conclusion” that made me laugh out loud when I read it, Scafidi had this to say:

…it does not seem plausible that an additional massive increase in spending per student would lead to greater student achievement

Exactly who is advocating for a “massive” increase in spending?  So far as I can tell, what Democrats have argued over the last 6 years is that we should fully fund a statutorily defined per-pupil cost of education.  Somebody is chasing boogey men that don’t exist.

In order to be taken seriously, one would at least expect an academic like Scafidi to give mention to alternate views and data for the purposes of constructive comparison.  The fact that those things are absent from his report tells you all you need to know about the real motivations of CED.



Figure 1:  SOURCE: U.S. Department of Education, National Center for Education Statistics, Statistics of State School Systems, 1965-66 through 1969-70; Statistics of Public Elementary and Secondary School Systems, 1970 through 1980; Revenues and Expenditures for Public Elementary and Secondary Education, 1970-71 through 1986-87; Common Core of Data (CCD), "State Nonfiscal Survey of Public Elementary and Secondary Education," 1981-82 through 2005-06; "National Public Education Financial Survey," 1987-88 through 2004-05; Statistics of Nonpublic Elementary and Secondary Schools, 1970-71 through 1979-80; Private School Universe Survey (PSS), 1989-90 through 2003-04; Fall Enrollment in Institutions of Higher Education, 1965-66 through 1985-86; Financial Statistics of Institutions of Higher Education, 1965-66 through 1985-86; 1986-87 through 2004-05 Integrated Postsecondary Education Data System (IPEDS), "Fall Enrollment" surveys, 1986 through 1999, and Spring 2002 through Spring 2006 and Fall 2002 through Fall 2006; and Projections of Education Statistics to 2016.

Figure 2: SOURCE: U.S. Department of Commerce, Census Bureau, U.S. Census of Population, 1960, Volume 1, Part 1; Current Population Reports, Series P-20; Current Population Survey (CPS), March 1961 through March 2007; and 1960 Census Monograph, Education of the American Population, by John K. Folger and Charles B. Nam.

Comments (2)add comment
BenScafidi: ...
Jon:

Thank you for your interest in my study. I would like to comment on your four substantive points.

First, the NCES chart on percent of GDP devoted to education that you display shows a massive increase in GDP devoted to K-12 education from the 1980s to the present—in percentage terms. I report similar information in my paper and that Georgia now spends a higher fraction of its income on state and local spending for public education than the national average. The percent of GDP spent on education was very high prior to the 1980s because we had the baby boomers in school. That is one reason why spending per student matters—the baby boomers had much less spent on them per student; there was just a lot of them.

Second, Heckman and LaFontaine (2007) who are quoted in my paper note that the NCES includes GED’s in its high school graduate category and overstates graduation rates. (Lots of research finds that GEDs are not equivalent.) Measured properly, Nobel Prize winner Heckman and others find that educational attainment is falling—for the first time in American history. That is their finding. It is worth mentioning that Heckman suggested taking Milton Friedman’s name off the Milton Friedman Institute at the University of Chicago. A free-market conservative, he is not.

Third, the report notes that 21 states spend less per student than Georgia and have higher graduation rates. This includes diverse states such as Arizona, California, and Texas. Why do these other states perform better with less?

Fourth, anyone who spends 2 minutes in any random House Education Committee meeting would hear several powerful interest groups advocate for spending a lot more money on K-12 public education. In addition, there has been years-long litigation against the state by a group suing for a lot more money.

If we cannot get the basic facts straight, we cannot have a fruitful conversation about how to improve student achievement. My paper contains basic facts.

While I did not find your points accurate or persuasive, they were entertaining. I don’t know where Tondee's Tavern is, but I would like to meet y’all there for a beer some time.

If you have any further concerns or need the full-text of any of the citations in my paper, please let me know.


Respectfully, Ben Scafidi

1

report abuse
vote down
vote up
January 28, 2009
Votes: +0
flackattack: ...
Dr. Scafidi,

First, thanks for coming by to offer your comments. They are both instructive and much appreciated. I'd just offer a few observations based on your feedback.

1. re GDP. If you look at enrollment numbers and spending (a merger of digest tables 17 & 25) - the numbers still don't show any material growth to GDP on an enrollment basis. For example, in 1970 - when I assume baby boomers are still enrolled - we had 4.6% of GDP spent on 52.2M pupils. In 2006, we had 4.5% of GDP spent on 53.3M pupils. While you are correct that the decline in baby boomer enrollment dropped the percentage significantly (in '80 it was 4% on 47M pupils), if you look at similar enrollment years it's not statistically dramatic. Certainly not “massive”. In both of our cases, point in time comparisons tells a different story.

2. re: Attainment. I was not crisp in explaining how that chart had a difference between "completers" and "graduators" and how that would effect attainment. Point taken. But I've read the Heckman and Fontaine 2007 study, and I'm afraid I read it differently on a couple of your core points. First, Heckman claims that excluding GED means we have seen a drop in attainment since the 60's.

However, contrary to the status completion rate, the graduation ratio estimates peak at 77 percent in 1969 and then slowly declined until suddenly reversing the long-time trend starting in 2002.

To describe the drop in graduation rates as only afflicting present day young adults seems to ignore Heckmans finding that this has been occurring for over 40 years. Also, you both point to the increase in graduation since 2002, which naturally means at least those young adults achieved at least the same level of attainment as their parents. To me Heckman found the opposite of what you say; for 40 years we have had progressively worse levels of attainment that are only now turning around. Did this era of increased per-pupil spending contribute to this new up tick?

I also found this interesting:

Although GED recipients have the same measured academic ability as high school graduates who do not attend college, they have the economic and social outcomes of otherwise similar dropouts without certification.

So the real impact of the attainment discussion is the social impacts of not "graduating". On academic ability, Heckman implies no difference.

3. re: Other states. I don't know, perhaps you can shed some light on that. Seriously. Since you have tied spending reductions and attainment together, what spending should be reduced to achieve higher levels of attainment? What are the different factors beyond spending that allow those states to be more successful? I'm interested to know that...

4. re: Massive spending. This one doesn't fall neatly into the “basic facts” category. That would assume we both agree with what "massive increases" really mean. We clearly don’t. Pinning your conclusion on special interest voices I think is pretty weak. It’s the actual policy makers that are haggling, and none of it even approaching massive. The basic question in Georgia today is one over austerity reductions to QBE, and QBE reform. In both of those realms nothing approaching a "massive" increase in education funding is even being considered. And last time I checked, that lawsuit was on hold. (although Sonny's decision to rewrite equalization to 12 mils might change that...don’t you think?) You are the expert on this subject, so I'd defer to you on the specifics, but I thought the lawsuit issue was over equalization of funding for counties with a smaller tax base. Seems to me like a separate topic altogether.

Lastly, alas, Tondee's Tavern is only a virtual place, but if we ever do decide to meet at a real bar, you will be invited and I'll buy the first round.

Thanks again for engaging.
2

report abuse
vote down
vote up
January 29, 2009
Votes: +0

Write comment
You must be logged in to post a comment. Please register if you do not have an account yet.

busy